The family was Scotch-Irish and Calvinist and was relatively wealthy; his father owned twenty or more slaves, was a judge, and served in the state legislature. John graduated from Yale in He studied in the law school of Tapping Reeves in Litchfield, Conn. He quickly established a practice in Abbeville near his family home.
Full Document I do not belong, said Mr. Mine is the opposite creed, which teaches that encroachments must be met at the beginning, and that those who act on the opposite principle are prepared to become slaves.
In this case, in particular I hold concession or compromise to be fatal. If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession—compromise would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible.
We must meet the enemy on the frontier, with a fixed determination of maintaining our position at every hazard.
Consent to receive these insulting petitions, and the next demand will be that they be referred to a committee in order that they may be deliberated and acted upon. At the last session we were modestly asked to receive them, simply to lay them on the table, without any view Positive good thesis slavery ulterior action.
I then said, that the next step would be to refer the petition to a committee, and I already see indications that such is now the intention. If we yield, that will be followed by another, and we will thus proceed, step by step, to the final consummation of the object of these petitions.
We are now told that the most effectual mode of arresting the progress of abolition is, to reason it down; and with this view it is urged that the petitions ought to be referred to a committee.
That is the very ground which was taken at the last session in the other House, but instead of arresting its progress it has since advanced more rapidly than ever.
The most unquestionable right may be rendered doubtful, if once admitted to be a subject of controversy, and that would be the case in the present instance. The subject is beyond the jurisdiction of Congress — they have no right to touch it in any shape or form, or to make it the subject of deliberation or discussion.
As widely as this incendiary spirit has spread, it has not yet infected this body, or the great mass of the intelligent and business portion of the North; but unless it be speedily stopped, it will spread and work upwards till it brings the two great sections of the Union into deadly conflict.
This is not a new impression with me. Several years since, in a discussion with one of the Senators from Massachusetts Mr. Websterbefore this fell spirit had showed itself, I then predicted that the doctrine of the proclamation and the Force Bill—that this Government had a right, in the last resort, to determine the extent of its own powers, and enforce its decision at the point of the bayonet, which was so warmly maintained by that Senator, would at no distant day arouse the dormant spirit of abolitionism.
I told him that the doctrine was tantamount to the assumption of unlimited power on the part of the Government, and that such would be the impression on the public mind in a large portion of the Union.
The consequence would be inevitable.
A large portion of the Northern States believed slavery to be a sin, and would consider it as an obligation of conscience to abolish it if they should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance, and that this doctrine would necessarily lead to the belief of such responsibility.
I then predicted that it would commence as it has with this fanatical portion of society, and that they would begin their operations on the ignorant, the weak, the young, and the thoughtless —and gradually extend upwards till they would become strong enough to obtain political control, when he and others holding the highest stations in society, would, however reluctant, be compelled to yield to their doctrines, or be driven into obscurity.
But four years have since elapsed, and all this is already in a course of regular fulfilment. Standing at the point of time at which we have now arrived, it will not be more difficult to trace the course of future events now than it was then.
They who imagine that the spirit now abroad in the North, will die away of itself without a shock or convulsion, have formed a very inadequate conception of its real character; it will continue to rise and spread, unless prompt and efficient measures to stay its progress be adopted.
Already it has taken possession of the pulpit, of the schools, and, to a considerable extent, of the press; those great instruments by which the mind of the rising generation will be formed. However sound the great body of the non-slaveholding States are at present, in the course of a few years they will be succeeded by those who will have been taught to hate the people and institutions of nearly one-half of this Union, with a hatred more deadly than one hostile nation ever entertained towards another.
It is easy to see the end. By the necessary course of events, if left to themselves, we must become, finally, two people. It is impossible under the deadly hatred which must spring up between the two great nations, if the present causes are permitted to operate unchecked, that we should continue under the same political system.
The conflicting elements would burst the Union asunder, powerful as are the links which hold it together. Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union I openly proclaim it—and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events.
We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both.
It cannot be subverted without drenching the country in blood, and extirpating one or the other of the races. Be it good or bad, [slavery] has grown up with our society and institutions, and is so interwoven with them that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a people.Be it good or bad, [slavery] has grown up with our society and institutions, and is so interwoven with them that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a people.
The Southerners, on the other hand, claimed that slavery was a “positive good.” They claimed slavery helped spread Christianity and its virtues to the barbaric African slaves.
Each side had their own views of slavery and arguments to support those views. Be it good or bad, [slavery] has grown up with our society and institutions, and is so interwoven with them that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a people.
Slavery: Evil of Positive Good? Slavery argument by Jameson Jenkins English , essay 5 Jenna Garrett 26 October Jenkins i Outline Thesis statement: Slavery is a bad way to run a country ethically, socially and economically.
I. In all the.
slavery essays. Essay on slavery: essay examples, topics, questions, thesis statement. slavery Thesis Statement. Interview. Slavery Essay Nevertheless, there is still much to say about it and a lot of thing to recall. It is common knowledge that slavery was eliminated with the end of the Civil War. John C. Calhoun and Slavery as a “Positive Good:” What He Said. Emeritus of History at the University of South Carolina where he was the editor of the multivolume The Papers of John C. Calhoun. He is the M.E. Bradford Distinguished Chair at the Abbeville Institute. essays and reviews and is co-publisher of timberdesignmag.com Slavery: Evil of Positive Good? Slavery argument by Jameson Jenkins English , essay 5 Jenna Garrett 26 October Jenkins i Outline Thesis statement: Slavery is a bad way to run a country ethically, socially and economically. I. In all the.
The “Positive Good” of Slavery John C. Calhoun () of South Carolina was the most important proslavery politician in the country in the decades before midcentury.
In this speech, Calhoun argues that slavery is a “positive good” for blacks. He makes this argument on a variety of bases. First, Calhoun argues that blacks are better off in the United States.