This week, Hardemon went one step further, lobbing a racial accusation during a meeting of Democratic leaders in Doral. Yet the flurry of outrage and calls for conversation seem to happen only when the offender is Cuban or Cuban-American. For them, it's part of larger problem in Latino communities, where blackness is demonized and deemed inferior through art, entertainment and everyday conversations. One of the leading actors in the play performs in blackface.
History[ edit ] Historically, the formation of ethnic enclaves has been the result of a variety of socioeconomic factors that draw immigrants to similar spaces in the receiving country. The lack of access to economic capital and of knowledge regarding residential neighborhoods can constrain newly arrived immigrants to regions of affordable housing.
Social dynamics such as prejudice and racism may concentrate co-ethnics into regions displaying ethnic similarity. Housing discrimination may also prevent ethnic minorities from settling into a particular residential area outside the enclave. When discussing the ethnic enclave as defined by a spatial cluster of businesses, success and growth can be largely predicted by three factors.
These factors include 1 the size and population of the enclave 2 the level of entrepreneurial skills of those in the enclave and 3 the availability of capital resources to the enclave.
Successful enclaves can reach a point where they become self-sufficient, or "institutionally complete" through the supply of new immigrants and demand of goods offered in the market.
They only reach this point after first supplying for the needs of co-ethnics and then expanding to meet needs of those in the larger market of the host society. Instead of entering the secondary labor market of the host society, Portes and Wilson discovered that new immigrants tended to become employed by co-ethnics running immigrant-owned firms.
The collection of small immigrant enterprises providing employment to new immigrants was defined as the enclave economy.
The discourse pioneered by Portes and Wilson produced the construct for a body of literature that came to be known by the ethnic enclave hypothesis. While never empirically defined, the term "ethnic enclave" began to be widely used to represent two distinct definitions: Chain migration With the rise in globalization and ease of international transportation, patterns of immigration show the role of ethnic enclaves for contributing to increased migration over time.
New immigrants unintentionally lower costs for future immigration of co-ethnics by pooling together resources for themselves. Thus, by achieving mobility in the receiving country themselves, immigrants create a social structure that makes it easier for future immigrants to become upwardly mobile.
According to Douglas Massey, "Networks build into the migration process a self-perpetuating momentum that leads to its growth over time, in spite of fluctuating wage differentials, recessions, and increasingly restrictive immigration policies. Many worn path taken by former immigrants are made accessible to enclave members, making immigration easier to future generations.
By generating further immigration, migration leads to its own cumulative causation over time. Modes of incorporation[ edit ] An approach that analyzes ethnic enclaves and their members by their modes of incorporation is preferred to a neoclassical model, which states that the economic success of immigrants depends on the education, work experience, and other elements of human capital that they possess.
Social[ edit ] Upon arrival to a foreign country, immigrants face challenges in assimilation and integration processes and thus experience different modes and levels of incorporation within the host society. Many factors influence the level of ease or challenge experienced by immigrants as they make the transition and undergo physical, social, and psychological challenges.
The segmented assimilation model notes that there can exist a "consciously pluralistic society in which a variety of subcultures and racial and ethnic identities coexist"   One influential factor in an immigrant's journey is the presence of relatives or friends in the receiving country.
Friends and family, making up a kinship network, who are willing to help the newcomers can be classified as a type of capital commonly referred to as social capital. Upon arrival, many immigrants have limited or no access to human capital and thus rely heavily on any available source of social capital.
Kinship networks in the receiving country can provide aid not only for the physical and economic needs of immigrants, but also for their emotional and socio-psychological needs. Because social capital is rooted in relationships it easily lends itself to conflict and disagreement between parties.
In addition, the economic condition of the country and the availability of jobs open to the immigrants can largely affect the quality of the support network available to the migrant.
If the receiving country provides favorable conditions such as access to social programs, the local economy, and employment opportunities, the network is likely to be of much higher quality.
Adversely, kinship networks may break down if much stress is placed on the relationships involved due to economic hardships. The duration and intensity of aid needed can dictate the quality of the kinship network available to the immigrant.
Immigrant ideas regarding level of support to be received are often high and left unmet if true economic conditions do not allow for favorable network conditions.
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